Friday

Day 13: December 19, 1971 - "What then, didst thou in thy mind have?"


Stanley Kubrick's dystopian masterpiece is set in the near future where urban thugs run wild and new methods of crime deterrence are being explored. Career gang member Alex (Malcolm McDowell) is nabbed by the police and offered the chance to a commuted sentence if he undergoes a kind of surgical therapy. One where his brain does not allow him to execute his violent urges.

Day 12: December 18, 1971 - Alaska Native Claims Act

The Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act (ANCSA) was enacted into law on December 18, 1971. This Act was intended to settle outstanding land claims and establish clear title to Alaska’s land and resources. To do this, the Act established 12 regional corporations and a method of conveying surface estate (land) and subsurface estate (mineral and other resources) to each regional corporation. ANCSA also established village corporations and gave each village corporation, subject to valid existing rights, the right to the surface estate (land) in and around the village, as identified in Section 11 of the Act, as amended. The amount of land to be conveyed was identified in Section 14(a) and allotted according to the Native population of the village as follows:

  • For between 25 and 99 people, 69,120 acres;
  • For between 100 and 199 people, 92,160 acres;
  • For between 200 and 399 people, 115,200 acres;
  • For between 400 and 599 people, 138,240 acres; and
  • For 600 or more people, 161,280 acres.

The regional corporation for the area received title to the subsurface estate of the village corporation land.

ANCSA Section 14(c)(1)(2) and (4) provides that the village corporation must make land available to individuals and organizations occupying the land on December 18, 1971 (valid existing rights). ANCSA Section 14(c)(3) provides that the village corporation shall convey any future municipal corporation lands identified for present and future community needs to any municipal corporation or the state in trust. Land conveyed in trust is deeded to the state’s Municipal Land Trustee and is managed under the Municipal Land Trustee Program provided for in Alaska Statute (AS) 44.33.755.

Because the village corporations received title to only the surface estate, a municipal corporation or the state in trust receiving 14(c) conveyance from the village corporation receives only title to the surface estate.

  • ANCSA Section 14(c) has five sections. This chapter deals with the four sections described below. These sections identify the individuals and organizations that can receive land from the village corporation under Section 14(c).
  • 14(c)(1): States that the village corporation shall first convey claims by individuals, either Native or non-Native, who occupied lands as of December 18, 1971, as a residence, business, campsite, or reindeer husbandry. The transfer of land is made without payment (consideration).
  • 14(c)(2): States that the village corporation shall then convey claims by nonprofit organizations that occupied lands as of December 18, 1971. The village corporation may charge or require payment for the land. If payment is required, it must not be for an amount that is more than the fair market value of the land as it existed when the organization first occupied it. The fair market value must be based on land value without structures or other improvements.
  • 14(c)(3): States that the village corporation shall then convey to a municipal corporation in the village or to the state in trust land for present and future public land uses.
  • 14(c)(4): States that the village corporation shall convey land for airport sites and related navigational aids and easements as they existed on December 18, 1971, and additional land or easements for related services and approach zones. Title can go to the federal government, state, or municipality (city or borough)..

Day 11: December 17, 1971 - Bond, James Bond


A fortune in diamonds thrusts James Bond into more explosive danger. Sean Connery returns to his greatest role in this thrilling 007 adventure laced with action, humor and amazing special effects.

When Bond investigates mysterious activities in the world diamond market, he discovers that the evil Ernst Blofeld (Charles Gray) is stockpiling the precious gems to use in his deadly laser satellite capable of destroying massive targets on land, sea and air. Bond, with the help of beautiful smuggler Tiffany Case (Jill St. John) sets out to stop the madman, but first he must grapple with a host of enemies. He confronts offbeat assassins Mr. Wint and Mr. Kidd, as well as Bambi and Thumper -- two scantily clad beauties who are more than a match for Bond in hand-to-hand combat. Finally, there's the reclusive billionaire Willard Whyte (Jimmy Dean), who just may hold a vital clue to Blofeld's whereabouts.

As the rapid-fire action kicks into overdrive, there's a gripping moon buggy chase, a wild pursuit through the streets of Las Vegas, and a large-scale aerial assault in which the fate of the world hangs in the balance. Diamonds Are Forever is a dynamic, full-throttle thriller of the highest caliber.

Day 10: December 16, 1971 - The End of the Indo-Pakistani War & The Beginning of the Christmas Season in Washington


The Indo-Pakistani War of 1971 was a major conflict between India and Pakistan. The war is closely associated with Bangladesh Liberation War (sometimes also referred to as Pakistani Civil War). There is an argument about exact dates of the war. However, hostilities commenced officially between India and Pakistan on the evening of December 3, 1971. The armed conflict on India's western front during the period between 3 December 1971 and 16 December 1971 is called the Indo-Pakistani War by both the Bangladeshi and Indian armies. The war ended in a defeat for the Pakistani military in a fortnight.

Notes from the White House Tree-lighting Ceremony:

President and Participants:
Vice President Agnew stood in for President Nixon who was in Key Biscayne, Florida. The Vice President lit the tree with the help of seven-year-old Gary Morris who was in the crowd. The Vice President reminded those watching and listening about the many families whose sons were prisoners of war. Speaking of those soldiers and their families, Vice President Agnew said, "This is the eighth Christmas -- the longest period of any war in our nation's history -- that some of us have observed without their loved ones."

The Tree: Cut, 63-foot Fraser fir from North Carolina. The tree was decorated with red and white lights. The tree-topper resembled a snowflake.

Noteworthy Ceremony Elements: A special tree in recognition of the prisoners of war and soldiers missing in action in Southeast Asia stood in front of the National Community ChristmasTree. This brought the total number of trees on the Pathway of Peace to fifty-seven.

Outstanding Weather Conditions: Warm, the temperature had reached 74º earlier in the day.

Miscellaneous: The U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia in Allen v. Morton held that the National Park Service's participation in the construction of a nativity was constitutional and did not violate the "establishment clause" of the Constitution. The ruling judge deemed the event secular. [NPS-WESF, RG-79, Box - 29, "A8227 -- Pageant of Peace," memo, October 5, 1973; NPS-WESF, RG-79, Box 27, "Christmas Pageant of Peace 1/1/71," letter, March 29, 1971.] In making his decision the judge considered Edward Carr's earlier statement considering the origins of the event: "I must say that the main emphasis was to promote more business for Washington." Similarly, Edward Kirby had said: "The purpose of this...of course, is to increase the volume of business and employment in the metropolitan area and to enhance the reputation of Washington as a tourist and convention center." [Evening Star, November 4, 1971.] The decision was appealed. [NPS-WESF, RG-79, Box -29, "A8227 -- Pageant of Peace 1/1/73," memo, October 5, 1973.]

Anti-war demonstrators, including members of Vietnam Veterans Against the War, disrupted the lighting of the tree by shouting "Peace now! Peace now!" No arrests were made.

After years of trying to receive a permit, "Women Strike for Peace" was granted permission to display outside the central circular area exclusively reserved for the Christmas Pageant of Peace on the Ellipse. They did not have enough time to organize a display and therefore did not display. [Washington Post, December 17, 1971.]

Day 9: December 15, 1971 - Stranded Pakistanis - NBC News Broadcast

Day 8: December 14, 1971

Golden Gate Bridge lights out all night due to power failure
U.S. performs nuclear test at Nevada Test Site

Day 7: December 13, 1971 - Toward the Splendid City

In 1971, Pablo Neruda received the Nobel Prize for literature. The following is the Nobel Lecture he delivered on 13 December, 1971.


My speech is going to be a long journey, a trip that I have taken through regions that are distant and antipodean, but not for that reason any less similar to the landscape and the solitude in Scandinavia. I refer to the way in which my country stretches down to the extreme South. So remote are we Chileans that our boundaries almost touch the South Pole, recalling the geography of Sweden, whose head reaches the snowy northern region of this planet.

Down there on those vast expanses in my native country, where I was taken by events which have already fallen into oblivion, one has to cross, and I was compelled to cross, the Andes to find the frontier of my country with Argentina. Great forests make these inaccessible areas like a tunnel through which our journey was secret and forbidden, with only the faintest signs to show us the way. There were no tracks and no paths, and I and my four companions, riding on horseback, pressed forward on our tortuous way, avoiding the obstacles set by huge trees, impassable rivers, immense cliffs and desolate expanses of snow, blindly seeking the quarter in which my own liberty lay. Those who were with me knew how to make their way forward between the dense leaves of the forest, but to feel safer they marked their route by slashing with their machetes here and there in the bark of the great trees, leaving tracks which they would follow back when they had left me alone with my destiny.

Each of us made his way forward filled with this limitless solitude, with the green and white silence of trees and huge trailing plants and layers of soil laid down over centuries, among half-fallen tree trunks which suddenly appeared as fresh obstacles to bar our progress. We were in a dazzling and secret world of nature which at the same time was a growing menace of cold, snow and persecution. Everything became one: the solitude, the danger, the silence, and the urgency of my mission.

Sometimes we followed a very faint trail, perhaps left by smugglers or ordinary criminals in flight, and we did not know whether many of them had perished, surprised by the icy hands of winter, by the fearful snowstorms which suddenly rage in the Andes and engulf the traveller, burying him under a whiteness seven stories high.

On either side of the trail I could observe in the wild desolation something which betrayed human activity. There were piled up branches which had lasted out many winters, offerings made by hundreds who had journeyed there, crude burial mounds in memory of the fallen, so that the passer should think of those who had not been able to struggle on but had remained there under the snow for ever. My comrades, too, hacked off with their machetes branches which brushed our heads and bent down over us from the colossal trees, from oaks whose last leaves were scattering before the winter storms. And I too left a tribute at every mound, a visiting card of wood, a branch from the forest to deck one or other of the graves of these unknown travelers.

We had to cross a river. Up on the Andean summits there run small streams which cast themselves down with dizzy and insane force, forming waterfalls that stir up earth and stones with the violence they bring with them from the heights. But this time we found calm water, a wide mirror-like expanse which could be forded. The horses splashed in, lost their foothold and began to swim towards the other bank. Soon my horse was almost completely covered by the water, I began to plunge up and down without support, my feet fighting desperately while the horse struggled to keep its head above water. Then we got across. And hardly we reached the further bank when the seasoned country-folk with me asked me with scarce-concealed smiles:

"Were you frightened?"
"Very. I thought my last hour had come", I said.
"We were behind you with our lassoes in our hands", they answered.
"Just there", added one of them, "my father fell and was swept away by the current. That didn't happen to you."

We continued till we came to a natural tunnel which perhaps had been bored through the imposing rocks by some mighty vanished river or created by some tremor of the earth when these heights had been formed, a channel that we entered where it had been carved out in the rock in granite. After only a few steps our horses began to slip when they sought for a foothold in the uneven surfaces of the stone and their legs were bent, sparks flying from beneath their iron shoes - several times I expected to find myself thrown off and lying there on the rock. My horse was bleeding from its muzzle and from its legs, but we persevered and continued on the long and difficult but magnificent path.

There was something awaiting us in the midst of this wild primeval forest. Suddenly, as if in a strange vision, we came to a beautiful little meadow huddled among the rocks: clear water, green grass, wild flowers, the purling of brooks and the blue heaven above, a generous stream of light unimpeded by leaves.

There we stopped as if within a magic circle, as if guests within some hallowed place, and the ceremony I now took part in had still more the air of something sacred. The cowherds dismounted from their horses. In the midst of the space, set up as if in a rite, was the skull of an ox. In silence the men approached it one after the other and put coins and food in the eye sockets of the skull. I joined them in this sacrifice intended for stray travelers, all kinds of refugees who would find bread and succour in the dead ox's eye sockets.

But the unforgettable ceremony did not end there. My country friends took off their hats and began a strange dance, hopping on one foot around the abandoned skull, moving in the ring of footprints left behind by the many others who had passed there before them. Dimly I understood, there by the side of my inscrutable companions, that there was a kind of link between unknown people, a care, an appeal and an answer even in the most distant and isolated solitude of this world.

Further on, just before we reached the frontier which was to divide me from my native land for many years, we came at night to the last pass between the mountains. Suddenly we saw the glow of a fire as a sure sign of a human presence, and when we came nearer we found some half-ruined buildings, poor hovels which seemed to have been abandoned. We went into one of them and saw the glow of fire from tree trunks burning in the middle of the floor, carcasses of huge trees, which burnt there day and night and from which came smoke that made its way up through the cracks in the roof and rose up like a deep-blue veil in the midst of the darkness. We saw mountains of stacked cheeses, which are made by the people in these high regions. Near the fire lay a number of men grouped like sacks. In the silence we could distinguish the notes of a guitar and words in a song which was born of the embers and the darkness, and which carried with it the first human voice we had encountered during our journey. It was a song of love and distance, a cry of love and longing for the distant spring, from the towns we were coming away from, for life in its limitless extent. These men did not know who we were, they knew nothing about our flight, they had never heard either my name or my poetry; or perhaps they did, perhaps they knew us? What actually happened was that at this fire we sang and we ate, and then in the darkness we went into some primitive rooms. Through them flowed a warm stream, volcanic water in which we bathed, warmth which welled out from the mountain chain and received us in its bosom.

Happily we splashed about, dug ourselves out, as it were, liberated ourselves from the weight of the long journey on horseback. We felt refreshed, reborn, baptised, when in the dawn we started on the journey of a few miles which was to eclipse me from my native land. We rode away on our horses singing, filled with a new air, with a force that cast us out on to the world's broad highway which awaited me. This I remember well, that when we sought to give the mountain dwellers a few coins in gratitude for their songs, for the food, for the warm water, for giving us lodging and beds, I would rather say for the unexpected heavenly refuge that had met us on our journey, our offering was rejected out of hand. They had been at our service, nothing more. In this taciturn "nothing" there were hidden things that were understood, perhaps a recognition, perhaps the same kind of dreams.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I did not learn from books any recipe for writing a poem, and I, in my turn, will avoid giving any advice on mode or style which might give the new poets even a drop of supposed insight. When I am recounting in this speech something about past events, when reliving on this occasion a never-forgotten occurrence, in this place which is so different from what that was, it is because in the course of my life I have always found somewhere the necessary support, the formula which had been waiting for me not in order to be petrified in my words but in order to explain me to myself.

During this long journey I found the necessary components for the making of the poem. There I received contributions from the earth and from the soul. And I believe that poetry is an action, ephemeral or solemn, in which there enter as equal partners solitude and solidarity, emotion and action, the nearness to oneself, the nearness to mankind and to the secret manifestations of nature. And no less strongly I think that all this is sustained - man and his shadow, man and his conduct, man and his poetry - by an ever-wider sense of community, by an effort which will for ever bring together the reality and the dreams in us because it is precisely in this way that poetry unites and mingles them. And therefore I say that I do not know, after so many years, whether the lessons I learned when I crossed a daunting river, when I danced around the skull of an ox, when I bathed my body in the cleansing water from the topmost heights - I do not know whether these lessons welled forth from me in order to be imparted to many others or whether it was all a message which was sent to me by others as a demand or an accusation. I do not know whether I experienced this or created it, I do not know whether it was truth or poetry, something passing or permanent, the poems I experienced in this hour, the experiences which I later put into verse.

From all this, my friends, there arises an insight which the poet must learn through other people. There is no insurmountable solitude. All paths lead to the same goal: to convey to others what we are. And we must pass through solitude and difficulty, isolation and silence in order to reach forth to the enchanted place where we can dance our clumsy dance and sing our sorrowful song - but in this dance or in this song there are fulfilled the most ancient rites of our conscience in the awareness of being human and of believing in a common destiny.

The truth is that even if some or many consider me to be a sectarian, barred from taking a place at the common table of friendship and responsibility, I do not wish to defend myself, for I believe that neither accusation nor defence is among the tasks of the poet. When all is said, there is no individual poet who administers poetry, and if a poet sets himself up to accuse his fellows or if some other poet wastes his life in defending himself against reasonable or unreasonable charges, it is my conviction that only vanity can so mislead us. I consider the enemies of poetry to be found not among those who practise poetry or guard it but in mere lack of agreement in the poet. For this reason no poet has any considerable enemy other than his own incapacity to make himself understood by the most forgotten and exploited of his contemporaries, and this applies to all epochs and in all countries.

The poet is not a "little god". No, he is not a "little god". He is not picked out by a mystical destiny in preference to those who follow other crafts and professions. I have often maintained that the best poet is he who prepares our daily bread: the nearest baker who does not imagine himself to be a god. He does his majestic and unpretentious work of kneading the dough, consigning it to the oven, baking it in golden colours and handing us our daily bread as a duty of fellowship. And, if the poet succeeds in achieving this simple consciousness, this too will be transformed into an element in an immense activity, in a simple or complicated structure which constitutes the building of a community, the changing of the conditions which surround mankind, the handing over of mankind's products: bread, truth, wine, dreams. If the poet joins this never-completed struggle to extend to the hands of each and all his part of his undertaking, his effort and his tenderness to the daily work of all people, then the poet must take part, the poet will take part, in the sweat, in the bread, in the wine, in the whole dream of humanity. Only in this indispensable way of being ordinary people shall we give back to poetry the mighty breadth which has been pared away from it little by little in every epoch, just as we ourselves have been whittled down in every epoch.

The mistakes which led me to a relative truth and the truths which repeatedly led me back to the mistakes did not allow me - and I never made any claims to it - to find my way to lead, to learn what is called the creative process, to reach the heights of literature that are so difficult of access. But one thing I realized - that it is we ourselves who call forth the spirits through our own myth-making. From the matter we use, or wish to use, there arise later on obstacles to our own development and the future development. We are led infallibly to reality and realism, that is to say to become indirectly conscious of everything that surrounds us and of the ways of change, and then we see, when it seems to be late, that we have erected such an exaggerated barrier that we are killing what is alive instead of helping life to develop and blossom. We force upon ourselves a realism which later proves to be more burdensome than the bricks of the building, without having erected the building which we had regarded as an indispensable part of our task. And, in the contrary case, if we succeed in creating the fetish of the incomprehensible (or the fetish of that which is comprehensible only to a few), the fetish of the exclusive and the secret, if we exclude reality and its realistic degenerations, then we find ourselves suddenly surrounded by an impossible country, a quagmire of leaves, of mud, of cloud, where our feet sink in and we are stifled by the impossibility of communicating.

As far as we in particular are concerned, we writers within the tremendously far-flung American region, we listen unceasingly to the call to fill this mighty void with beings of flesh and blood. We are conscious of our duty as fulfillers - at the same time we are faced with the unavoidable task of critical communication within a world which is empty and is not less full of injustices, punishments and sufferings because it is empty - and we feel also the responsibility for reawakening the old dreams which sleep in statues of stone in the ruined ancient monuments, in the wide-stretching silence in planetary plains, in dense primeval forests, in rivers which roar like thunder. We must fill with words the most distant places in a dumb continent and we are intoxicated by this task of making fables and giving names. This is perhaps what is decisive in my own humble case, and if so my exaggerations or my abundance or my rhetoric would not be anything other than the simplest of events within the daily work of an American. Each and every one of my verses has chosen to take its place as a tangible object, each and every one of my poems has claimed to be a useful working instrument, each and every one of my songs has endeavoured to serve as a sign in space for a meeting between paths which cross one another, or as a piece of stone or wood on which someone, some others, those who follow after, will be able to carve the new signs.

By extending to these extreme consequences the poet's duty, in truth or in error, I determined that my posture within the community and before life should be that of in a humble way taking sides. I decided this when I saw so many honourable misfortunes, lone victories, splendid defeats. In the midst of the arena of America's struggles I saw that my human task was none other than to join the extensive forces of the organized masses of the people, to join with life and soul with suffering and hope, because it is only from this great popular stream that the necessary changes can arise for the authors and for the nations. And even if my attitude gave and still gives rise to bitter or friendly objections, the truth is that I can find no other way for an author in our far-flung and cruel countries, if we want the darkness to blossom, if we are concerned that the millions of people who have learnt neither to read us nor to read at all, who still cannot write or write to us, are to feel at home in the area of dignity without which it is impossible for them to be complete human beings.

We have inherited this damaged life of peoples dragging behind them the burden of the condemnation of centuries, the most paradisaical of peoples, the purest, those who with stones and metals made marvellous towers, jewels of dazzling brilliance - peoples who were suddenly despoiled and silenced in the fearful epochs of colonialism which still linger on.

Our original guiding stars are struggle and hope. But there is no such thing as a lone struggle, no such thing as a lone hope. In every human being are combined the most distant epochs, passivity, mistakes, sufferings, the pressing urgencies of our own time, the pace of history. But what would have become of me if, for example, I had contributed in some way to the maintenance of the feudal past of the great American continent? How should I then have been able to raise my brow, illuminated by the honour which Sweden has conferred on me, if I had not been able to feel some pride in having taken part, even to a small extent, in the change which has now come over my country? It is necessary to look at the map of America, to place oneself before its splendid multiplicity, before the cosmic generosity of the wide places which surround us, in order to understand why many writers refuse to share the dishonour and plundering of the past, of all that which dark gods have taken away from the American peoples.

I chose the difficult way of divided responsibility and, rather than to repeat the worship of the individual as the sun and centre of the system, I have preferred to offer my services in all modesty to an honourable army which may from time to time commit mistakes but which moves forward unceasingly and struggles every day against the anachronism of the refractory and the impatience of the opinionated. For I believe that my duties as a poet involve friendship not only with the rose and with symmetry, with exalted love and endless longing, but also with unrelenting human occupations which I have incorporated into my poetry.

It is today exactly one hundred years since an unhappy and brilliant poet, the most awesome of all despairing souls, wrote down this prophecy: "A l'aurore, armés d'une ardente patience, nous entrerons aux splendides Villes." "In the dawn, armed with a burning patience, we shall enter the splendid Cities."

I believe in this prophecy of Rimbaud, the Visionary. I come from a dark region, from a land separated from all others by the steep contours of its geography. I was the most forlorn of poets and my poetry was provincial, oppressed and rainy. But always I had put my trust in man. I never lost hope. It is perhaps because of this that I have reached as far as I now have with my poetry and also with my banner.

Lastly, I wish to say to the people of good will, to the workers, to the poets, that the whole future has been expressed in this line by Rimbaud: only with a burning patience can we conquer the splendid City which will give light, justice and dignity to all mankind.

In this way the song will not have been sung in vain.

From Nobel Lectures, Literature 1968-1980, Editor-in-Charge Tore Frängsmyr, Editor Sture Allén, World Scientific Publishing Co., Singapore, 1993

Day 6: December 12, 1971

Day 5: December 11, 1971 - Willy Brandt

Peace, like freedom, is no original state which existed from the start; we shall have to make it, in the truest sense of the word.
Willy Brandt (1913 - 1992) German statesman
Address given on the presentation of a Nobel Prize in peace, December 11, 1971.

Day 4: December 10, 1971

Jawan Sawar Muhammad Hussain Shaheed (Born: 1949, Dhok Pir Bakhsh 7 km From Jatli Village Near Daultala (now Dhok Muhammad Hussain Janjua), Enlisted: 1966, Driver, December 10, 1971). At the time of 1971 war (between India and Pakistan) he was attached with an old army unit known as “20 Lancers”. While his unit was engaged in the frontline area of Zafarwal-Shakargarh, he himself never missed an opportunity of taking over a machine-gun and firing on the enemy, unmindful of any danger. It was on December 5, 1971 that while braving intense shelling and direct fire from enemy tanks and infantry, he went from trench to trench delivering ammunition to the frontline soldiers. It was documented by his company men that on the following day, he went out with four fighting patrols and undertook most hazardous missions. However, it was on December 10, 1971 that he spotted the enemy digging in near village Harar Khurd along the minefield laid out by Pakistan Army. He thus immediately informed the second- in-command of his unit. But simultaneously he moved, on his own initiative, from one anti-tank gun to another directing the crew to fire accurately at enemy tanks, and was thus responsible for the destruction of sixteen enemy tanks.

On the same day, at 04:00 pm, while directing fire from one of the recoilless rifles, he was hit on the chest by a burst of machine-gun fire from an enemy tank and thus died in action.

Sawar Muhammad Hussain had the distinction of being the first Jawan (a rank of foot soldier in Pakistan Army) to be awarded Nishan-e-Haider for his gallantry.


Day 3: December 9, 1971


American diplomat Ralph Bunche, winner of the 1950 Nobel Peace Prize, died on December 9, 1971 in New York City.

Bunche was born in Detroit, Michigan on August 7, 1904. In the time between earning graduate degrees in government and international relations at Harvard University, he established a department of political science at Howard University in Washington, D.C. in 1928. Between 1938 and 1940, he collaborated with Swedish sociologist Gunnar Myrdal on the monumental study of U.S. race relations published as An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy (1944). The study is famous for presenting the theory that poverty breeds poverty.

During World War II, Bunche worked for the War Department and the State Department. Toward the end of the war, he played an important role in preliminary planning for the United Nations, the organization he served for the rest of his career.

After the chief U.N. mediator between the warring factions in Palestine, Count Folke Bernadotte, was assassinated, Bunche, then an aide on a special U.N. committee to negotiate an end to the first Arab-Israeli War, was thrust into a leading role in the process. His successful negotiation of a 1949 truce between the parties earned him the Nobel Prize for Peace in 1950.

Bunche later oversaw U.N. peacekeeping missions to the Suez Canal in 1956, the Congo in 1960, and Cyprus in 1964. Bunche served as a board member for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People for 22 years. In the last decade of his life, he became an increasingly vocal supporter of the civil rights movement in the United States, participating in the 1965 civil rights marches in Selma and Montgomery, Alabama.

Day 2: December 8, 1971

Alexander, John Grant (1893-1971) — also known as John G. Alexander — of Minneapolis, Hennepin County, Minn. Born in Cortland County, N.Y., July 16, 1893. Served in the U.S. Army during World War I; Independent candidate for U.S. Senator from Minnesota, 1936; U.S. Representative from Minnesota 3rd District, 1939-41; defeated, 1940; candidate for Governor of Minnesota, 1942. Lutheran. Member, Izaak Walton League; American Legion; Forty and Eight; Elks; Optimist Club. Died in Minneapolis, Hennepin County, Minn., December 8, 1971. Interment at Lakewood Cemetery, Minneapolis, Minn.

Day 1: December 7, 1971

Today, I am born to in the same hospital as my father.

New York City - The Grateful Dead play the Felt Forum.

Phoenix, Arizona - The Who play Veteran's Memorial Complex.

The Founding of Save Mount Diablo

Extraordinary changes in land use development took place in Contra Costa County during the 1960's and helped lead to Save Mount Diablo's formation on December 7, 1971, during the rapid expansion of the environmental movement following the first Earth Day.
Public perception at the time was that the State Park included the entire mountain.
The truth was the State Park stood alone at the summit and down to Rock City, a solitary 6,788 acres. Except for the drive to the summit, you could not easily get into the Park. None of the low elevation staging areas or trails existed, none of the city or regional open spaces had been created, and local environmentalists became increasingly alarmed as subdivisions started creeping up to the mountain's foothills. A flashpoint in these applications was the Scott development at Walnut Creek's Shell Ridge.
At meetings of local conservation groups Dr.
Mary Bowerman, a student of the mountain's botany since 1930 and author of The Flowering Plants and Ferns of Mount Diablo, California, would rise to ask "What can we do to help save Mount Diablo." Finally Arthur Bonwell, Chairman of the Mount Diablo Regional Group of the Sierra Club, responded, "why don't we start a group to focus on expanding the State Park?" Bowerman provided the inspiration, Bonwell helped get things organized, and on December 7, 1971 a first meeting was held.

Brazilian President Emílio Garrastazu Médici visited Washington on December 7-9, 1971, two weeks after the Uruguayan elections with the outcome still uncertain. Garrastazu Médici held several meetings with President Nixon, the National Security Council adviser Henry Kissinger, Secretary of State William Rogers and the soon to be Deputy Director of the CIA, Vernon Walters. In several of the memos reporting conversations with the Brazilian President, Richard Nixon mentions Brazil’s help in influencing Uruguay’s elections. Henry Kissinger highlights Garrastazu Médici’s support of the "Nixon Doctrine" in Latin America. Under the doctrine, a nation like Brazil, was to be a surrogate regional power acting in U.S. interests.


DEPARTMENT OF STATE
INFORMATION MEMORANDUM

To: The Acting Secretary
From: AF - C. Robert Moore [CRM initialed]

Nationalization of British Petroleum in Libya

The Libyan Radio and Libyan News Agency announced December 7 the nationalization of British Petroleum's subsidiary in Libya, BP Exploration Company (Libya) Ltd. BP may have been nationalized because of Libya's intense dissatisfaction with what it believes is the UK role in the Iranian seizure of the Persian Gulf islands. The seizure may also have reflected LARG frustration over its inability to resolve a long-outstanding financial dispute with the UK centering around the aborted sale of a missile defense system by the UK to the former regime for which the monarchy had made a substantial down payment.

In seizing BP Libya, the LARG hits the British government as well as the company, since HMG owns nearly 50 percent of the parent company. Libya announced a new company will be formed, the Arabian Gulf Prospecting Company, to take over BP'S assets.

With production in Libya of 200,000 barrels per day, BP is one of the largest oil producing and exporting companies there. Its importance to us is that it operates in equal partnership with Nelson Bunker Hunt of Texas. There was no indication Libya intends to take over Bunker Hunt or to nationalize other companies. However, BP was the operator of the joint BP-Bunker Hunt concession. If BP withdraws its personnel, there may be temporary difficulties in finding technicians to carry out oil operations in that concession area. The Libyan action will also throw a fright into the other oil companies, chiefly American, regarding their future.

The British Embassy in Tripoli expressed fears December 4 that Libya might take some drastic move against British interest, including a break in diplomatic relations. As yet, there is no indication either side intends to break relations. However, earlier unconfirmed reports indicated Libya was transferring funds out of London. Its total funds there probably amount to over $2 billion. If confirmed, this transfer obviously might pose major financial problems, at least temporarily, for the UK.


Secret Telegram

December 7, 1971

From: American Embassy New Delhi

To: Secretary State Washington DC

1. Summary: Foreign Minister Swaran Singh asked me to see him December 7, and proceeded to review at length historical develop­ment East Pakistan crisis. He expressed deep regret that ambassador Bush should have referred to Indian army operations as "aggression". Foreign Minister asked me to convey to the Secretary his personal appeal to reconsider US position in the light of devel­opments that have taken place, as well as the emerging realities. End Summary.

2. At his request I called on Foreign Minister Swaran Singh, Decem­ber 7. The Foreign Minister began by saying that he thought it would be useful for us to review what has happened and to "project our­selves in the future difficult situation". He thought it was important to be able to see "where things are moving".

3. The Foreign Minister said that on the Eastern side "we are quite clear on what we are doing". India was making no territorial claims of any type. The announcement of Indian recognition of the govern­ment of Bangla Desh, December 6, had to be viewed in that context. This amounted to a form of self-restraint on themselves. They wanted everyone to understand that it was not Indian intention to an­nex or occupy any territory. The recognition of Bangla Desh had been done to project India's objectives in the area.

4. The Foreign Minister said that recognition had become a necessity because they were concerned about certain allegations that were be­ing bandied about. The Chinese had already alleged that India wanted to annex territory. Ambassador Bush had also talked about "aggression". No one should be in doubt regarding Indian intentions.

5. Another aspect of recognition was the practical rather than ideo­logical one, "there are fairly large areas over which we now have control". The military writ of West Pakistan did not run over the greater part of East Bengal "or, as we call it, Bangla Desh". The peo­ple of the area now again are "coming to a boiling point". The effer­vescent attitude that one saw at the time of elections a year ago was now being seen again. The Indian army was being welcomed as lib­erators.

6. The Foreign Minister said it was no secret that the Bengali com­ponent of the civil service of East Pakistan owed allegiance to Bangla Desh and was not with the military regime. Those in areas controlled by the Pakistan army were only going through the mo­tions. There was a great risk that the situation would deteriorate into chaos. There were some communist extremists in certain areas throughout East Bengal. A kind of vacuum was being created in the administration of the area. There had been a great risk that the vac­uum would in turn deteriorate into chaotic conditions.

7. In these circumstances, the Foreign Minister asked rhetorically, what were India's alternatives? He said they could have thought of initially of Indian administration. This, however, would have been superfluous in the circumstances. Such an administration would have been appropriate if the army were occupying an area where there would be resistance from the local population. This, however, was far from the case, and India did not wish to provide even a semblance of Indian administration of the liberated areas. Therefore, it had been necessary for the GOI to back some central authority which in turn could control the upsurge of enthusiasm, control the unruly elements, and fill the vacuum. Indian recognition of Bangla Desh also was an effort to curb local extremist elements. It amounted to a denial of any Indian administrative role and permitted an indigenous alternative. Because of these developments the GOI had concluded that they could not wait. There were pressing reasons why the Prime Minister had to announce recognition when she did.

8. The Foreign Minister said that wherever the army had gone they had been openly welcomed. Under strict orders they were behaving in such a way as not to damage persons or property. They were not out for anyone's blood. It was their hope that military operations would lead to a minimum of destruction. He claimed the army was avoiding direct conflict with the Pakistani army. All of this was background for the GOI decision to recognize Bangla Desh.

9. The Foreign Minister said that this Indian step should also help to consolidate the moderate forces in Bangla Desh. There were those who were opposed, i.e., extremists led by Toaha, etc. It had therefore been necessary that there be some consolidation of forces. The For­eign Minister said that their consolidation of forces also kept the door open for Pakistan to deal with the Bangla Desh government. In­dia still said that it was for the elected representatives of the people of Bangla Desh to decide what they wanted. He hoped Indian recog­nition would be viewed in that perspective.

10. The Foreign Minister said, "We are greatly disturbed by the thought that there was a misunderstanding in the US of our objec­tives". He said, "I was extremely unhappy that Ambassador Bush re­ferred to us as aggressors". On the western borders India had not moved its troops to the frontier until seven to fourteen days after the Pakistani army had done so. Strict orders had been issued to Indian troops to keep absolutely quiet. The Foreign Minister reminded me that he had previously explained to me the developing situation in the East. The first escalation had been that of Pakistani aircraft which were shot down over Indian territory. Even then, he pointed out, the Prime Minister had treated this matter as a local incident and had purposely tried to soft-pedal it. The Foreign Minister admitted that in private he had made no secret about how bitterly he had felt about this development. He said Indian territory had been subject to con­tinuous shelling. Hundreds of violations had taken place, killing many local people. The Indian army had not been moved "in any big way"

11. Against this background suddenly India had been subjected to a well planned aerial attack in the West, in which almost simultane­ously a number of Indian air force stations had been raided. Follow­ing that attack Pakistan claimed that India had attacked earlier on the ground. This was "totally false and concocted". He stressed that Pakistan had made their claim of Indian attacks on the ground after repeat after the GOI had announced that the Pak Air Force had at­tacked. He said this had been a "blatant attack on our positions". The Foreign Minister said he could have understood if Pakistan had said that they had launched such an attack because of Indian actions in the East, but they had not said that. Originally, he added, "what little support we gave was to the Mukti Bahini". Subsequently they had had to defend themselves. Against this background, for Indian mili­tary operations to be described as "aggression really make us ex­tremely unhappy".

12. The Foreign Minister asked rhetorically what was the projection for the future, particularly in light of the extremely political attitude of the martial law administration. He felt certain this was a question that the US must also ask itself. He assumed that we would want to take a good look at the aspirations of the people of the area, the way they were thinking, and the manner in which they were responding to the situation. Against this background it was "not very realistic to stick with the idea that the Pakistani military regime had to be bailed out". He expressed the hope that our differences should not affect our relations. He said he had been disturbed at the recent steps taken by USG, such as cancellation of military supplies and, more recently, the withholding of economic aid but they could "live with that". The Foreign Minister said he continued to hope there could be under­standing between our two governments. It was for this reason that he wanted to give me his assessment, and he hoped that we in turn would give him ours.

13. I thanked the Foreign Minister for his exposition and said that I didn't believe the USG had ever charged that India had territorial ambitions, and agreed that allegations to this effect were denied by Indian recognition of the government of Bangla Desh. I said that the position of my government had been set forth in Ambassador Bush's clear presentation before the United Nations Security Council and therefore was little I could add. I told him that no one contended that the government of India had anything to do with the original situa­tion in East Bengal which led to ten million refugees crossing into India. Subsequently, however, I believed that the GOI had over­reacted in stepping up its activities in support of the Mukti Bahini to the extent that they did. This had in turn been followed by intrusion of Indian army troops into East Bengal. I told the Foreign Minister that I thought this had been unfortunate since it triggered a reaction among the American people and press. Newspapers which had been completely on India's side began to say that the Indian army was taking more than simple defensive measures. I reminded him that I had categorized this action to Foreign Secretary Kaul as an "offensive defense". I said this was the general impression that had been created in the US. Furthermore, it was the position of my gov­ernment that this Indian action had triggered the action which Paki­stan had taken in the West.

14. I told the Foreign Minister I agreed that it was a telling point that Pak air attacks on Indian air fields took place prior to their an­nouncement of an alleged Indian assault on the western frontier, it was a matter of personal regret but should be noted as a reflection of the changed mood in Congress that, from the latest information I had received, the House of Representatives had voted out an appropria­tion bill which suspends economic aid, with certain exceptions, until hostilities had ceased or until the President had certified that it was in the US national interest to resume it.

15. As for the situation in the United Nations, despite the Soviet veto, the vote had been eleven and two in support of a resolution calling for cessation of hostilities, which indicated strong support for a cease-fire and withdrawal. The matter would now probably be pre­sented to the General Assembly where action would have no binding effect but I anticipate there would be strong support for some resolu­tion to stop the conflict. I told him I believed there was a general feeling in the US that hostilities should be ended and a cease-fire in­stituted. I assured him I would report his remarks.

16. The Foreign Minister asked me to do "with a personal request to Secretary Rogers that he should review the situation" particularly in its future context. He said, "we can't wish away each other". He added that the government had been under severe pressure in Parlia­ment. He felt that, all things considered, the reactions to the Ameri­can position had "not been too shrill yet". I rejoined that I thought it was "more shrill than I had expected".

17. The Foreign Minister said whether discussion took place in the Security Council or the General Assembly, the GOI was aware of the US position. They didn't agree since they felt we were ignoring cer­tain basic aspects. The GOI believed that nothing was going to hap­pen unless this basic problem was solved. But, he said, "President Yahya is on a collision course". Declaring people elected unopposed and continuing to hold Sheikh Mujib in prison wouldn't ease the situation. Even now the best step for Yahya was to talk to the Bangla Desh leaders. India had tied its hands to the extent that whatever these leaders agreed to India would accept.

18. I reminded the Foreign Minister that President Yahya had ex­pressed a willingness to talk with any Bangla Desh leaders who were not accused of crimes. The Foreign Minister said that since that time a month had passed and there had been no contact at all. Yahya kept thinking in terms of quislings who would throttle the elected leaders of the people.

19. In response to my question whether the Bangla Desh government would be led by the same people as were now in Mujibnagar, the Foreign Minister said that he didn't know, but it was for them to de­cide. The GOI did not need to replace the existing administrative set­up. It didn't want to interfere. This had been considered very care­fully. Whatever was decided by the 167 elected leaders would con­tribute to stabilizing the situation. The Foreign Minister suggested that the USG do some forward thinking on how we saw the situation developing, particularly as it had been clearly demonstrated that the people were solidly in support of the Bangla Desh government, and opposed to the military regime.

20. 1 told the Foreign Minister I had been surprised by his statement that the Indian army was avoiding direct contact with the Pakistani military in East Pakistan. I told him my information was that Jessore might have been by-passed but that the army was moving in a way to close in on Dacca. The Foreign Minister claimed that he didn't know and did not ask about military plans. He deliberately avoided finding out what military plans were. I referred to the Defense Minister's statement that they were "going all out" in the East. The Foreign Minister rejoined "all defense ministers have to be tough in war situation". I told him that I hoped that all out war could be avoided before it was too late.

21. The Foreign Minister said he would like to believe that our two countries would both try to avoid "their being on a deteriorating de­cline". I said I shared completely his hope for no further decline in our relations. He said, "we believe we are being a service to demo­cratic forces and to stability in the world". What was being done would take a great deal of effort, but India could not remain indefi­nitely on the periphery. He closed by asking me again to urge the Secretary to personally review the US position in the light of our fu­ture best interest in the area.

22. Comment: The Foreign Minister was calm and gentlemanly throughout his presentation. I have previously suggested that the re­alities in this area receive careful study looking to the future.

Keating

Source: Bangladesh Liberation War and the Nixon House 1971, Enayetur Rahim and Joyce L. Rahim, Pustaka Dhaka, p – 421 - 427
WABC Music Power Survey for Week of 7 December 1971

TW LW
1. Family Affair - Sly & the Family Stone (Epic) *2 weeks #1* 1
2. Got to Be There - Michael Jackson (Motown) 3
3. Gypsys, Tramps and Thieves - Cher (Kapp) 2
4. Baby I'm-a Want You - Bread (Elektra) 5
5. Theme from Shaft - Isaac Hayes (Enterprise) 6
6. Have You Seen Her - The Chi-Lites (Brunswick) 4
7. Cherish - David Cassidy (Bell) 10
8. Brand New Key - Melanie (Neighborhood) 29
9. Scorpio - Dennis Coffey & the Detroit Guitar Band (Sussex) 11
10. All I Ever Need Is You - Sonny & Cher (Kapp) 17
11. Imagine - John Lennon/Plastic Ono Band (Apple) 7
12. Old-Fashioned Love Song - Three Dog Night (Dunhill) 16
13. American Pie - Don McLean (United Artists) 31
14. The Desiderata - Les Crane (Warner Brothers) 14
-----------------------------------------------------------------
15. Rock Steady - Aretha Franklin (Atlantic) 8
16. Hey Girl - Donny Osmond (MGM) 49
17. Two Divided By Love - The Grass Roots (Dunhill) 12
18. Superstar (Remember How You Got Where You Are) -
The Temptations (Gordy) 13
19. Peace Train - Cat Stevens (A&M) 9
20. Stones - Neil Diamond (Uni) 23
21. Respect Yourself - The Staple Singers (Stax) 21
22. Let's Stay Together - Al Green (Hi) --
25. (I Know) I'm Losing You - Rod Stewart with Faces (Mercury) --
26. You Are Everything - The Stylistics (Avco) 26
29. One Monkey Don't Stop No Show - The Honey Cone (Hot Wax) --
30. Anticipation - Carly Simon (Elektra) 60
37. Drowning In the Sea of Love - Joe Simon (Spring) --
48. Sugar Daddy - The Jackson 5 (Motown) --
64. Theme from "Summer of '42" - Peter Nero (Columbia) --
Jingle Bells - The Singing Dogs (RCA) --

Album Cuts:
Everybody's Everything - Santana (Columbia)
Bitterblue - Cat Stevens (A&M)
Oh Yoko! - John Lennon/Plastic Ono Band (Apple)
So Far Away - Carole King (Ode)
Para los Rumberos - Santana (Columbia)
(I Know) I'm Losing You - Rod Stewart (Mercury)

Action Albums:
Santana - Santana (Columbia)
Imagine - John Lennon/Plastic Ono Band (Apple)
Every Picture Tells a Story - Rod Stewart (Mercury)
Teaser and the Firecat - Cat Stevens (A&M)
Tapestry - Carole King (Ode)

All American of the Week:
Dan Ingram - 2:00-6:00 PM, Monday - Saturday


SPECIAL NOTE: "Jingle Bells" by the Singing Dogs appears on this
week's printed survey (as "The Barking Dogs"), but does not
actually receive any airplay until the following week.
On December 7, 1971, publisher McGraw-Hill released a news item announcing the publication of Howard Hughes's autobiography. Helping Hughes in developing his memoir was an American author named Clifford Irving. The memoir was to be published in hardcover on March 27, 1972. This was exciting news. Howard Hughes had not been interviewed or photographed by any pressman since 1958. But this had not prevented people from writing about him. When the Hughes public-relations firm was contacted about Hughes's autobiography they dismissed that such a thing existed. For McGraw-Hill and Life magazine executives this denial buttressed the book's credibility. McGraw-Hill had handwritten letters which Hughes had allegedly written and Irving's testimony of his meetings with the eccentric billionaire. McGraw-Hill executives were confident that they had the real thing. In the winter of 1970 on a small offshore Spanish island Ibiza is where the story began. Clifford Irving, a novelist with an eye for drama, had arrived at Ibiza in 1969 to write the biography of the art forger Elmyr de Hory. By 1970, with the de Hory affair behind him, Irving was toying with the plot structure for his fifth novel. Clifford Michael Irving was born on November 5, 1930 in New York City. After graduating from high school in 1947 he enrolled in Cornell University where the seeds of his literary ambition were sown. After leaving Cornell in his senior year the wanderlust took over Irving and he traveled through America and Europe. In 1956 his first novel was published and he soon produced his second. Neither of his two novels were successful. His third novel, a Western, got Irving to Hollywood. By 1962 he was done with Hollywood and left for Ibiza. Clifford Irving got to know Elmyr de Hory and in 1969 Fake! was published. By 1958 Howard Hughes had gone into hiding becoming a hermit. This brought more attention to Hughes and a whole new journalistic specialty grew up, devoted to Hughesians. In the late 1960s a few "unauthorized" biographies of Howard Hughes were published . Howard R. Hughes was born on December 24, 1905 in Houston, Texas. His father "Big" Howard was a buccaneering Texas oilman who made his fortune by developing rock-drilling bits that became vital to the oil drilling industry. "Big" Howard founded the Hughes Tool Company and became a millionaire. At eighteen Howard's parents were dead and he took over the company. Hughes used the profits from the Hughes Tool Company to become a movie mogul, the ladies' man, and an aviation legend. He became a living legend and as a billionaire he answered to no one. But by the 1950s he became afflicted by health problems and his personality began to change. Irving had always been interested in Howard Hughes and the idea to fake a Hughes autobiography came to him at the time when the Hughes empire was undergoing violent internal convulsions. The infighting was being chronicled by the media and in a mid-December Newsweek was a reproduction of a handwritten note from Howard Hughes. Using the note Irving would create his Hughes' forgeries. Aiding Irving with his con was fellow writer and Ibiza neighbor Richard Suskind. Suskind did the research into Hughes's life on the basis of a 25-75 split of all the potential proceeds. In January 1971, Life magazine made the forgery task easier by reproducing a in full color a handwritten Hughes letter. Clifford Irving had been a McGraw-Hill author for twelve years. So on January 3, 1971 Irving informed Beverly Jane Loo, McGraw-Hill executive editor, and let her know that he had been in contact with Hughes. Loo was excited. On January 30 Irving let Loo know that Hughes liked Fake! and was thinking of writing his memoir. On February 10 Irving met with McGraw-Hill executives and brought with him letters from Hughes. The executives were convinced that this was real and prepared the contracts. Irving would take the contracts and checks to Hughes to sign. McGraw-Hill made it clear to Irving that he was responsible for Hughes to fulfill the contracts. Then in April 1971 Life magazine signed on to serialize the memoir. Although journalist Jim Phelan didn't know it, he was the one man in America capable of exposing Clifford Irving's hoax. He started in journalism in 1930 and became a freelance investigative reporter in 1953. Phelan was soon recognized as one of the most expert Hughes-watcher. In 1969 he collaborated with Noah Dietrich on a book about his memories of Howard Hughes. Although a manuscript was created a publisher couldn't be found. In 1971 Phelan heard about the forthcoming Hughes autobiography and based on his investigation he believed the memoir to be the real thing. but a few months after his initial investigation he discovered that Irving had a copy of the Dietrich manuscript and stole from it. Then on January 7, 1972 Howard Hughes broke his silence through a telephone interview with seven journalists who knew him. Hughes denounced the work of Clifford IRving. Then Phelan came forward with his evidence. By March 1972 Irving's con and his partners had been fully exposed. Clifford Irving decided that honesty would be the best policy and proceeded to write his own memoir. As for Howard Hughes he remained in seclusion until his death. Hoax is the fascinating account of how Clifford Irving perpetrated the literary hoax of the century. Although it seems unbelievable the story is all true!

Everyone knows the song "Smoke On The Water". Every kid who ever picked up a guitar for the first time plunked out that four chord blues riff. For many kids, it's the only thing they were ever able to play. And many of these kids think they know the story of how that song was recorded. Yes, there was a fire, a bad one. But what most, if not all of them, don't realize is that the fire that broke out that day was during a Frank Zappa and the Mothers Of Invention concert.

The date was December 7, 1971. It was thirty years after the bombing of Pearl Harbor. Maybe that should have been an omen. Certainly this was not an insignificant date in history.

Anyway, Deep Purple, the band who recorded "Smoke On The Water" was setting up their camp in Montreux, Switzerland to record their next album. They were going to use a mobile recording studio to do this which they rented from The Rolling Stones, known as their Rolling Stones Mobile Studio. They set up at the Montreux Entertainment Complex which was part of their casino. This is referred to as the "gambling house" in the lyrics of the song.

Well, on the eve of their recording session Frank Zappa and The Mothers Of Invention were performing live in concert at the casino's theater. They were to perform a number of their popular songs including the epic "The Nancy & Mary Music”, "Sharleena”, "Duke Of Prunes”, and "Hungry Freaks Daddy". Frank Zappa was strange to say the least. However, before they could really get into the meat of their performance a fire broke out during the concert. It was said to have been caused by a Swiss fan shooting a flare gun at the ceiling, as was stated in the "some stupid with a flare gun" line that ultimately destroyed the entire casino complex, along with all of Frank Zappa and The Mother's equipment.

The smoke on the water that was talked about in the song was the smoke from the fire that spread over all of Lake Geneva. From their hotel across the way from the casino, the members of Deep Purple watched the fire burn and the smoke cover the lake. In the lyrics they mention a "funky Claude" running in and out. This was actually the director of the Montreux Jazz Festival running in and out of the casino trying to get people to safety.

The aftermath of all this was that Deep Purple had no place to record and Frank Zappa and the Mothers were part of the most famous concert in history to get cancelled mid way through.

Deep Purple eventually found another place to record, using a near empty Montreux Grand Hotel. They converted its hallways into a makeshift recording studio.

As for Frank Zappa, the concert was cancelled and never rescheduled. But he had become a part of history that little kids with electric guitars will be thankful for, for a very long time.

=============
The People's Republic of China established diplomatic relations with the Republic of Senegal on December 7, 1971.

======================

NAC: RESPONSE TO BIGOTRY

by Kenneth Jernigan

December 7, 1941, said Franklin Roosevelt, is a day that will live in infamy. To the blind of this country December 7, 1971, is also a day that will live in infamy. It was then that the Board of the National Accreditation Council for Agencies Serving the Blind and Visually Handicapped (NAC) met at the Prince George Hotel in New York City and finally and irrevocably showed, for all the world to see, what kind of organization NAC really is.

Members of the organized blind movement will remember the appearance of the NAC representatives at our convention in Houston last July. Mr. Arthur Brandon, president of NAC, and Mr. Alexander Handel, executive director of the organization, spoke to us about NAC's purpose and objectives. Although we were in profound disagreement with the way NAC is structured, its methods of operation, and its basic premises, we treated its representatives with courtesy and respect. There were no personal attacks and no aspersions.

Prior to our Houston convention Mr. Brandon had first accepted the invitation to come and then, when he realized questions would be asked and a discussion would occur, changed his mind on the grounds that he did not wish to engage in debate. After it was pointed out to him that NAC had received hundreds of thousands of tax dollars and thus had some responsibility to appear and give an accounting to the largest group of consumers of its services in the nation, Mr. Brandon again changed his mind and once more agreed to come but only subsequent to considerable publicity. Obviously, he felt embarrassed and ill at ease at having to appear at our convention.

At this stage (apparently judging me by himself and, therefore feeling that I, too, would find a confrontation embarrassing) Mr. Brandon asked me as NFB President to present the views of the organized blind at the December, 1971, NAC Board meeting. He assured me that I would be given courteous treatment and heard with respect. Of course, NAC's exaggerated view of its power to inspire awe is not shared by the Federation, and the prospect was not at all embarrassing. Rather, the invitation should have come when NAC was first established. As Federationists know, I accepted the invitation.

Under date of July 13, 1971, Mr. Brandon wrote to me in a tone and manner that showed he had learned nothing from our convention. He seemed to be saying, We have all had an opportunity to vent our feelings. Now let's settle back into the old rut of `NAC-as-usual.'

Under date of July 20, 1971, I replied to Mr. Brandon, attempting once again to penetrate his bubble of complacency. I said to him in part:

The tone of your letter (especially that part which says as we look ahead we must search for ways of working together effectively ) indicates a conception of what occurred at Houston and of the attitudes and intentions of the blind not, in my opinion, in accord with the facts. At Houston we did not simply have a friendly little debate which allowed people to blow off steam. We did not meet before that audience of a thousand people simply to exchange ideas and go back home to business as usual.

What that audience was telling you, and what I have been trying to tell NAC for several years, is simply this: The blind of this nation are not going to allow all of their service programs to come under one uniform system of control with the tune called by the American Foundation for the Blind and the accompaniment played by HEW. The blind are not opposed to reasonable and proper accreditation far from it. The blind do not oppose good agencies, government or private, which are doing good work. However, the Federation does not believe that NAC is properly constituted, that its standards are reasonable, that it is responsive to the aspirations and desires of consumers, or that it is a positive factor (as now structured) in the field of work with the blind.

Mr. Brandon made no response to my letter, and I prepared to go to New York in December. Under date of November 29, 1971, Dr. Patrick Peppe and Adrienne Asch, members of one of the local New York City affiliates of the Federation, wrote to Mr. Alexander Handel, executive director of NAC, to ask that they and other interested blind persons be permitted to attend the December 7 NAC meeting as observers. Their letter was courteous and respectful. It made no demands or threats; it only requested. The full text of the letter reads:

Dear Mr. Handel:

As consumers of services of agencies serving the blind, we would like to be present at the December 7 meeting of NAC. Since NAC was established to be the accrediting authority for agency service, our lives are vitally affected by its deliberations and actions. Therefore, we ask that we and others both the organized blind and the unaffiliated but concerned consumers of services be permitted to observe this meeting to learn more about the current policies and plans of your organization.

We would appreciate hearing from you by letter as soon as possible. Thank you very much for your cooperation.

Yours truly, Adrienne Asch, Secretary Patrick V. Peppe, Member, Executive Committee, The Metropolitan Federation of the Blind/Affiliate: The National Federation of the Blind.

Mr. Handel wasted no time in replying. His letter dated December 1, 1971, could serve as a model for insult and condescension. It should be read and re-read by every self-respecting blind person in the land. Its lesson should be learned well and never forgotten. It should be remembered whenever and wherever blind people meet in private homes or in public gatherings, for business or for recreation.

Mr. Handel wrote to Dr. Peppe and Miss Asch as if they had been small children or mental cripples. He suggested that since the December 7 meeting was to be a working business session rather than a meeting at which provision could be made for observers, perhaps Dr. Peppe and Miss Asch might like to meet with him privately at some mutually convenient time so that they could make comments and ask questions. He said that he was pleased to know of their interest in NAC, that he would be glad to add their names to the mailing list. He said that he would look forward to hearing from them and hoped they would telephone him at their convenience. Finally, in a P.S., he explained that the annual meeting of NAC was open to members and invited them to join up.

Lest you think I exaggerate, here is the entire text of Mr. Handel's letter:

Dear Miss Asch and Mr. Peppe:

We are pleased to know of your interest in the work of the National Accreditation Council and we shall be happy to provide you with information about our current policies and plans. If you would like to have your names added to the list of persons who regularly receive our newsletter and other materials, we should be glad to do so.

Meanwhile, since the meeting to which you refer is a working business session of our board rather than a session at which provision can be made for observers, I should like to suggest if you wish to know more about our program that you meet with me at some other mutually agreeable time.

As you know, our standards are available in Braille and recorded. We welcome your comments and suggestions on all or any of these standards. By meeting where a mutual exchange is possible you would be in a position to raise questions and express your views regarding the matters which, as you indicate, are of vital concern to blind persons.

Please telephone for an appointment at your convenience. I look forward to hearing from you.

Sincerely yours, Alexander F. Handel

P. S. The Annual Meeting of NAC is open to its affiliated members. Such affiliation is available to the National Federation of the Blind and is also open to local and state organizations of the blind. (See leaflet.)

Dr. Peppe, Miss Asch, and other blind people in New York City then went to the press. When a reporter called NAC headquarters, Miss Anne New (NAC staff member) revealed more than she realized. She was quoted in the press as follows: You don't necessarily put a majority of TB patients on the board of a tuberculosis hospital. We know what the patient wants to be treated as a human being and not some sort of cripple. We stress this in our standards again and again.

If Miss New does not understand why we as blind people object to her statement (and she probably doesn't), she makes our point for us. If Mr. Handel does not understand why we find his letter insulting, condescending, and unresponsive (and, again, he probably doesn't), then he only underscores what we have been saying for years. How could anything better illustrate NAC's total isolation from reality, its complete irrelevance!

It was in this atmosphere and with this background that I went to the Prince George Hotel in New York City late in the afternoon of December 6, 1971. The first event was a cocktail party held in Mr. Brandon's suite. I was met at the door with an air of hostility and resentment.

I think it is pertinent here to call attention once again to the structure of NAC, as well as to the usual format and tenor of its meetings. The American Foundation for the Blind and the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare are, of course, firmly in control. Officials of both have membership on the NAC board; and the executive director, Mr. Handel, is a former Foundation employee. In addition, several other selected agency leaders have membership. To add respectability, people of prestige from outside of the field of work with the blind have been placed on the board public officials, business executives, university deans, labor leaders, etc. These are people of goodwill and integrity, but they are not knowledgeable concerning the problems of blindness. Obviously they take their tone and orientation from the American Foundation for the Blind and its hard core inner circle.

The atmosphere of the NAC board meetings is invariably snobbish and pretentious almost pathetically so. The civic and business leaders on the board are made to feel that they have been asked to join an exclusive private club, a body of national prestige. There is a good deal of socializing and no sense at all of involvement with the gut issues facing the blind. There is much gracious, high-toned exchange of compliment and some very businesslike talk about finances. There is considerable discussion about professionalism and the maintenance of high standards in work with the blind; but if these people were asked to sit down for serious conversation with a blind welfare recipient or sheltered shop employee or college student or secretary or working man or housewife, they would react with outrage and indignation if they did not die first of shock, which seems more likely. Here are a group of people who hold themselves out to the public as the setters of standards and the givers or withholders of accreditation but who will not deign to mix with or listen to consumers. In fact, as you will shortly see, they even deny (unbelievable though that is) that the blind are consumers.

Under the circumstances it is not surprising that I was greeted with hostility and resentment when I entered Mr. Brandon's suite. Very shortly I was engaged in conversation with Mr. Joseph Jaworski, a lawyer from Houston, Texas. Mr. Jaworski, whose father is a top official of the American Bar Association, was recently added to the NAC board. The reason is fairly obvious. He is a person who evidences no background in or understanding of the problems of blindness but who seems to have many opinions on the subject. He spoke somewhat as follows:

I have read all of this material about NAC which you sent to the board members, but tell me: What's the real complaint?

I replied that the real complaint was just what we had said namely, that NAC had been conceived and structured undemocratically. I told him that since the primary function of NAC was to make decisions concerning the lives of blind people, the blind themselves should have a major voice in determining what those decisions would be and not just individual blind persons, but elected representatives of constituencies. I told him that the blind representation on NAC was only tokenism (six out of thirty-four) and that even the tokenism was largely window dressing since four of the six represented only their agencies or themselves and, by no stretch of the imagination, constituencies of blind people.

He responded in this manner: There are black people in the city of Houston, and they do not have a majority or equal representation on the city council. Yet, the city council governs them and makes decisions about their lives.

Yes, I told him, but the primary purpose of the Houston City Council is not to make decisions concerning blacks, or even the blacks of Houston. Its primary purpose is to make decisions about the people of Houston (of whatever color); and, in the proper democratic tradition, the people of Houston control it entirely. This is all we are asking of NAC that the people who are primarily concerned with and affected by its decisions have a major voice in its operation.

Mr. Jaworski did not seem to understand the distinction, nor did two or three others who were listening in. The rest of the cocktail party passed without event, as did the dinner which followed.

After dinner the board began its first business session. The question arose as to what should occur if an agency applied to NAC for accreditation and if the accreditation should be denied. Should the agency have a right to appeal to the entire NAC board, or should the decision of the subcommittee called the Commission on Accreditation be final? I suggested that the NAC board holds itself out to the public as the accrediting body and, therefore, that it cannot properly delegate final accrediting authority to a subcommittee.

At this stage Mr. Fred Storey, a sighted theater owner from Atlanta, took the floor and said: I think we ought to follow the example of other accrediting bodies in this matter. Since Mr. Jernigan seems to know so much about it, why doesn't he tell us what other groups do?

I responded that I didn't know what policy other accrediting groups followed. To which Mr. Storey replied: Then, why don't you be quiet and keep your mouth shut!

I did not answer in kind but simply told him that as long as I continued to be a member of the board, I would decide when and on what questions I would speak. In fairness let it be said here that not all of the board members approved of Mr. Storey's boorish behavior. Two or three of them came to me privately afterward and expressed apology and regret. However, not one of them stood up in the meeting to call him to task or say a single word of protest; and the Chairman, Mr. Brandon, expressed no disapproval.

After the meeting I went to the front of the room and reminded Mr. Brandon of his promise of courteous treatment and of how he had received no personal abuse but only respect at our Houston convention. His tone was one of petulant fury. He said: Some of the board members feel that you have been abusive to them. He went on to say: I was never treated so discourteously in my life as at your Houston convention.

Mr. Brandon, I said, can you really say that the Federation or I personally did not treat you and Mr. Handel with personal courtesy and respect?

Well, no, he said, but you inflamed the audience with your speech. Besides, I don't have to listen to you, and I can't control how NAC board members treat you when they disapprove of your conduct.

At this, I told Mr. Brandon that I now released him from all of his promises of courtesy and fair treatment and that I would publicize his behavior and that of the board for all to see, which I am now doing. As I walked back through the room, I was accosted by Mr. Storey. He was furiously and childishly belligerent. I'm Fred Storey, he said, and I just want to be sure that you know that I'm the one who told you to shut up.

Look, my friend, I replied

I'm not your friend, he said. (To which I could only answer: I believe that's the truth. ) He went on: You hide behind words like courtesy and fair play. Your real purpose is to create dissension and trouble. You have no business on this board. You are not one of us. This is what he said. I leave it to all who attended the Houston convention or who care to listen to the recordings to determine whether we treated the NAC representatives with respect. I also leave Mr. Storey's loutish behavior to stand as its own commentary, on himself and on NAC.

The next morning the NAC board assembled as usual, behind closed doors. About a dozen local blind persons (representing the organized blind of the area) appeared and sought admission as observers. The request was denied. Apparently fearing to leave these blind people unwatched, NAC stationed a staff member outside of the door to remain with them throughout the day. A delegation of four board members left the meeting to talk with them. It brought back the news that the group would be content if only two of their number could be admitted as observers, pledging to cause no disturbance or say a single word.

I offered a motion to admit the observers. Although the discussion that followed was somewhat characterized by the petty hostility and ill temper of the night before, the substantive question at issue received attention. Dr. Melvin Glasser, director of the Social Security Department of the United Auto Workers Union, said that NAC was only exercising the usual prerogative of any corporation to hold its board meetings behind closed doors. What about your own organization, the Federation! he said. Its board meetings are not open. I couldn't come and attend.

Ah, but you could! I told him. Come on. We would be glad to have you. Our board meetings are open to all, members and non-members alike.

My motion was defeated with only six yes votes and twenty no votes. It may be interesting to note that four of the six yes votes were by blind people, and one of the remaining two was by a black man. In other words two-thirds of the blind members of the board (even the agency representatives) could not bring themselves to vote no, and the black representative of the Urban League also stood to be counted, though he said not a word in defense of the motion and must, therefore, share in the shame of NAC's sorry behavior. In any case the blind were excluded, and the NAC staff member stood guard over them throughout the day. As the NAC minutes admitted, It should be noted that the demonstrators were peaceful and courteous.

With respect to the matter of closed meetings and secret conduct of affairs, NAC is almost paranoid in its behavior. As a NAC board member, I had great difficulty in even getting a list of the names and addresses of the other members. Finally, under date of May 1, 1971, I received the list; but its form was interesting. On the top line of the first page (printed in capitals, presumably for emphasis) was the word confidential. Admittedly one might not be proud to have people know he was associated with NAC; but why, in the name of all that is reasonable, should the very names of the NAC board members be kept secret?

Late in the morning I was asked to present the statement which Mr. Brandon had earlier invited me to give. Federationists are too familiar with my views to need them repeated here. They were presented in detail at the Houston convention and in the September, 1971, Braille Monitor.

Company unions serve many purposes. In this connection, the arrangement of the NAC agenda is interesting. Immediately following my presentation, Judge Reese Robrahn, president of the American Council of the Blind, delivered a statement. In general he defended NAC and said that while it had some weaknesses and imperfections, ACB supports it since ACB is a constructive organization. In an apparent attack upon the NFB for its criticism of NAC and its criticism of some of the so-called professional literature about blindness issued by the federal government and the American Foundation for the Blind, Judge Robrahn said: Anyone with normal intelligence can dissect and distort any standard, sentence or paragraph. This, however, cannot be considered a validation of the attack on a standard, sentence or paragraph.

Judge Robrahn, by implication, defended NAC for not denying accreditation to sheltered shops paying less than the minimum wage to blind workers. Under the circumstances this is not surprising. It dovetails with the fact, which the ACB has failed to publicize, that Mr. Durward McDaniel (ACB Washington representative) now serves as a member of the board of National Industries for the Blind, the infamous organization that controls merchandise orders from the federal government to the sheltered shops. Of course, Judge Robrahn also failed to mention the appearance of Mr. McDaniel in Minnesota last year (with the support of agency officials) to organize an ACB affiliate when the Federation in that state was fighting for the rights of collective bargaining for the workers in the sheltered shop of the Minneapolis Society for the Blind. Many of the blind of the state felt that the ACB affiliate was being organized as a company union, fostered by the shop management to divide the workers, break their resistance, and confuse the public.

In this same vein Mississippi agency officials told Federation organizing teams early in 1972 that they would not give lists of names of blind persons to the NFB but that they would give them to the ACB. Later, when the small Mississippi affiliate of the ACB was established, the reports of pressure for membership by agency officials were graphic and widespread.

Judge Robrahn attempted to leave the impression that the ACB is large, growing fast, and about to approach the size of the NFB. The facts, of course, are something else again. Affiliated organizations on paper are not necessarily organizations of actuality or substance.

After Judge Robrahn's presentation there was considerable reaction by the members of the board, particularly to my remarks. Of special interest were the comments of Dr. Melvin Glasser, the United Auto Workers representative. He said that NAC was not properly a social action group but a standard-setting body. I tried to point out to him that NAC could not avoid engaging in social action. By accrediting and giving its stamp of approval to a sheltered shop which pays fifty cents or less per hour to blind workers, NAC helps perpetuate the system. If its standards for determining which shops should be accredited do not take into account the wages of the workers, then those standards are irrelevant; and they constitute a form of social action, keeping the blind down and keeping them out.

What an irony that one should have to explain such matters to a representative of organized labor! Have the unions really become so management-oriented and so out of touch with ordinary people! Obviously Dr. Glasser did not stand at the gates of Ford and General Motors in the 1930s and see the hired thugs beat the workers who tried to organize and improve their condition. Neither did I, but I sat in the NAC meetings of the l970s and watched the performance of Melvin Glasser. It is a long way from the factory gates of the thirties to the suave manner and condescending behavior of Dr. Glasser in New York, but his shame is none the less for the distance. Those early working men and women who fought and bled to establish his union, who sometimes risked their very lives for the concept of minimum wages and the right to organize, must stir in their troubled graves at the prospect of such behavior by a representative of the UAW.

Dr. Glasser also advanced a novel theory about what a consumer really is. He said that, as with hospitals, so with the blind. Consumers of the services of hospitals are not just the patients but all of the potential patients therefore, everybody. Thus, the consumers in the field of work with the blind are not merely those who are now blind but also those who may become blind in other words, everybody. Therefore, he (Dr. Glasser) is as much a consumer and has as much right to representation as you or I. Not only would it appear that the representatives of organized labor support sweatshops and management, but they've also become sophists it would seem.

I wonder how Dr. Glasser would like a dose of his own sophistry. Let us consider his union, for instance. Most people in the country are potential workers in the auto industry. Therefore, they should be eligible for membership in the UAW. They should be able to vote and hold office. After all, it is not only the actual workers but the potential workers as well who must be considered. Even the children will be potential workers someday, and certainly the senior citizens were potential workers once. So the entire American population has equal rights in the UAW. False reasoning? You bet!

Next Mr. Robert Goodpasture, former head of National Industries for the Blind, took the floor. He made a very strongly-worded attack upon me and said that he would move to censure me if a mechanism were available but that, since it was not, he would content himself with his statement. He was particularly incensed that I had made public the vote concerning the link-up between NAC and National Industries for the Blind. Well he might wish to keep that agreement secret in view of its disgraceful implications. I told him that I had never pledged to keep NAC's actions secret and that I had no intention of doing so, now or in the future. I told him that I felt the blind had a right to know what NAC was doing and to have a voice in it.

Then, I moved to have his remarks printed verbatim in the NAC minutes. He and several other board members seemed surprised at this motion and said, What! Do you want what he said printed!

Yes, I replied. His comments make my point better than anything I could say. Let them be printed for all to read.

As you will see, the entire text of the NAC minutes is being reproduced in the Monitor .

Most of the rest of the day was taken up with the usual trivia which characterizes NAC. It might be worth noting that Mr. Robert Barnett, director of the American Foundation for the Blind, came back to the meeting after lunch with this comment: The people outside say that one reason they don't like us is because we have accredited a local New York agency which is anathema to them. Well I guess we'll just have to change our standards. He said this with a snicker and a smirk as if to dismiss the demonstrators as kooks and nonentities. He might have done better to listen to them.

Their feelings of disgust for him and what he stands for were at least as great as his for them. As one of them later remarked: The blacks may have their Uncle Toms, but we have our Uncle Bobs. In mid-afternoon I left, feeling that NAC was a total loss that if anything were to be accomplished, it must be by confrontation, and not in the conference room. We are now left with two questions. What do we do next, and where do we go from here? It is to these questions that we must address ourselves.

In the first place Mr. Storey and Mr. Goodpasture are right. I have no business on the NAC Board. Mr. Storey told me: You are not one of us! No, thank God, I am not; and I hope I never will be. I do not see how any blind person or any true friend of the blind can keep his sense of honor and self-respect and serve on the NAC board. Therefore, I am no longer a member of NAC. I do not ask them to accept a resignation or to recognize the fact that I have quit. I simply take this occasion and this means of letting the world know that I am not part of NAC and that I do not want my name associated with it. We will now see if they add to their other faults the bad taste and boorish behavior of trying to expel me after the fact. Let them. We can give their petty action (if they choose to take it) suitable publicity.

Next we must consider NAC's presumptuous behavior in thinking it can hold closed meetings. First we tried reason and persuasion. These were spurned. The blind were not even allowed to have two silent observers in the room. NAC will regret the day. We will now adopt different tactics. NAC will probably try to conceal the time and place of future meetings, (just as it writes confidential on the list of the names of its board members), but we will track them down. Wherever they go and whenever they meet, we the blind will go to the doors and demand admission not only the local blind but as many of us as possible from throughout the country. We will recruit our sighted friends and supporters to swell the numbers, and we will not take no for an answer. Whatever is required to make NAC responsive to the needs and problems of the blind, we will do. I have never participated in a demonstration in my life, but enough is enough. This is the time to stand and be counted.

We will send material concerning NAC to federal officials and to every member of the Congress of the United States. Our local and state affiliates and members must follow up with personal contacts and letters. Further, the blind of each state must demand that their state and local agencies not seek accreditation from NAC. If such accreditation is sought, delegations of the blind must call on the governor and go to the press. If an agency has already achieved accreditation, we must demand that the accreditation be repudiated. The blind of each locality must assume responsibility for informing their legislators, governors, public officials, and news media of the threat which NAC poses. When NAC representatives are asked to appear on programs, we must protest and demand equal time.

In short, we must treat NAC like the evil which it is. We must make it behave decently or strangle the life out of it. We must reform it or destroy it. We must have at least equal representation on its board and make it truly serve the blind, or we must kill it. It is that simple. NAC absolutely must not be allowed to take control of the lives of the blind of this country, regardless of the costs or the consequences. If we permit it, we deserve what we get. If we submit meekly while we still have the power to fight, then we are slaves, and justly so.

But, of course, we will not submit, and we will not fail. The right is on our side, and the urge to be free sustains us. December 7, 1971, is a day that will live in infamy, but the stain of that infamy will be cleansed. The shame of that day will be erased. I ask you to think carefully about what I have said. Then, if you will, come and join me on the barricades.

By the seventies the gulf between the blindness agencies supporting NAC and the organized blind themselves led to a breakdown of communication and a systematic effort by the agency coalition to freeze out blind organizations or their representatives from NAC meetings. There resulted a series of dramatic confrontations, organized by the National Federation of the Blind, which soon became a regular annual event held at the time and place of scheduled NAC conferences. In one year the landmark year 1973 there were actually two such confrontations with NAC, the first one in Chicago attended by 300 blind people, and the second in New York attended by no less than 1,500 blind Americans from all parts of the country. Each of these massive encounters contained a story replete with drama, inspiration, and human interest as may be seen from the successive reports on the two events published in the Braille Monitor. And each of the two NAC confrontations drew broad public attention symbolized on both occasions by the interview of National Federation of the Blind President Jernigan on nationwide television, first in Chicago and then on NBC's Today Show in New York. Following is a collection of brief first-hand reports by participating Federationists as they appeared in the Monitor:

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QUIROGA Y PALACIOS, Fernando (1900-1971)

Birth. January 21, 1900, San Pedro de Maceda, diocese of Orense, Spain.

Education. Conciliar Seminary of Orense, Orense; Pontifical University of Santiago de Compostela, Compostela; Pontifical Biblical Institute, Rome.

Priesthood. Ordained, June 10, 1922, Compostela. Further studies, 1922-1925. Pastoral work in the diocese of Orense; faculty member and spiritual advisor of its seminary, 1925-1942. Lectoral canon the cathedral chapter of Valladolid, 1942; pastoral work in the archdiocese of Valladolid, 1942-1945; faculty member and spiritual advisor of the Serninary of Valladolid, 1942-1945.

Episcopate. Elected bishop of Mondoñedo, November 24, 1945. Consecrated, March 24, 1946, shrine of the Gran Promesa del Sagrado Corazón, Valladolid, by Antonio García y García, archbishop of Valladolid, assisted by Francisco Blanco Nájera, titular bishop of Orense, and by José Soutop Vizoso, titular bishop of Elusa, auxiliary of Santiago de Compostela. Promoted to the metropolitan see of Santiago de Compostela, June 4, 1949.

Cardinalate. Created cardinal priest in the consistory of January 12, 1953; received the red hat and the title of S. Agostino, October 29, 1953. Papal legate to the Marian Congress, Manila, Philippines, December 1 to 5, 1954. Presided over the Compostelan Holy Years of 1954, 1965, and 1971. Participated in the conclave of 1958. Attended the Second Vatican Council, 1962-1965. Participated in the conclave of 1963. First president of the Spanish Episcopal Conference, 1966-1969. Attended the I Ordinary Assembly of the World Synod of Bishops, Vatican City, September 29 to October 29, 1967. Attended the First Extraordinary Assembly of the World Synod of Bishops, Vatican City, October 11 to 28, 1969.

Death. December 7, 1971, Madrid, Buried in the metropolitan cathedral of Santiago de Compostela.

Bibliography. Echeverría, Lamberto de. Episcopologio español contemporáneo, 1868-1985 : datos biográficos y genealogía espiritual de los 585 obispos nacidos o consagrados en España entre el 1 de enero de 1868 y el 31 de diciembre de 1985 . Salamanca : Universidad de Salamanca, 1986. (Acta Salmanticensia; Derecho; 45), p. 106; Gil, Cesáreo. Don Fernando Quiroga : el Cardenal de Galicia : primer presidente de la C.E.E. Madrid : Sociedad de Educación Atenas,1993.